Where do Jewish voters go in the 2024 race?
Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, seen in Philadelphia Tuesday, is the only potential Democratic vice presidential choice who is Jewish and unabashedly pro-Israel. Credit: AP/Matt Rourke
Only one of the leading contenders for Vice President Kamala Harris' running mate has received a prominent nickname and hashtag on social media since Harris became the Democrats' presumptive nominee for president.
#GenocideJosh
That's the label for Pennsylvania Gov. Josh Shapiro, who is Jewish and unabashedly pro-Israel. It's a label that veers easily into antisemitic rhetoric; plenty of Democrats support Israel but only Shapiro, the sole Jew on the Harris list, has been so broadly singled out. There's even a website — nogenocidejosh.org — that highlights Shapiro's potential to "depress turnout among Muslim, Arab-American, and young voters."
But the key question isn't whether Shapiro is a bad choice for Harris because the pick might upset the pro-Palestinian wing of the Democratic Party. The more illuminating question is where do Jewish voters — particularly those who've long considered themselves moderate Democrats — go now?
What's the best path forward for Jews who consider themselves Zionist or otherwise pro-Israel but who disagree with the Republican platform or oppose former President Donald Trump, and who need a leader who will stand up for them at a time when a vile streak of antisemitism has gained momentum?
Those more moderate Jews watched warily as Republicans loudly chanted "Bring Them Home," as the Long Island parents of American-Israeli hostage Omer Neutra took the stage at the Republican National Convention. They could be excused for doubting whether the same chant would ring at the Democrats' convention next month in Chicago. But they've also listened as Trump has said Jews who support Harris should "have their heads examined."
"If you're Jewish, if you vote for a Democrat, you're a fool. An absolute fool," Trump said on a radio interview this week.
Jews are not a monolithic voting bloc. Some, particularly more politically conservative Jews, are squarely in Trump's corner. Others, especially those who aren't one-issue voters, think differently, especially as antisemitism blooms from the right, too. Calling large swaths of Jews "fools" is certainly not welcoming.
But there's a kernel of truth to the concern Trump highlights; many Jews are wary of Harris, too. After a recent meeting with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Harris spoke with nuance, supporting Israel while criticizing the ongoing war in Gaza and later condemning antisemitic protests in Washington sparked by his visit.
Some Jews may be swayed by Harris' words, or by her husband, Doug Emhoff, who is Jewish, suggesting he could affix a mezuzah to a White House doorpost if Harris were to win the presidency. Others likely are encouraged by the possibility of a Shapiro vice presidency.
For others, that's not enough.
The Jewish vote — no matter how it evolves — is an outsized factor in regions like Long Island and states like New York and California. But elsewhere, concern over how Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Michigan are polling may matter more than worries about whether the Jewish vote is solidly red or blue. Nonetheless, it still matters — a lot. The collective impact of Jewish groups and leaders remains critical. Ignoring the Jewish vote — however varied it is — would be unwise.
Right now, many Jews still feel unmoored, untethered and uncertain, even 10 months after the horrific Oct. 7 attacks on Israel by Hamas. Jews rightly are still not sure who has their backs. Until that's clear, the "Jewish vote" — whatever that means — may be uncertain, too.
Columnist Randi F. Marshall's opinions are her own.
Randi Marshall is a member of the Newsday editorial board.
