Schumer had no plan for this budget fight

Sen. Charles Schumer, D-N.Y., speaks to reporters after a Senate policy luncheon on Capitol Hill, Tuesday, March 11, 2025, in Washington. Credit: AP/Mark Schiefelbein
Nothing sums up the fecklessness of the Democratic Party more than Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer’s decision to back the House Republicans’ plan to fund the government. In many ways, Schumer had only bad options and no real choice. But, Schumer, 74, also had no real plan. It was as if he was caught by surprise by the possibility of a government shutdown, which had been on the calendar for weeks.
Initially, he suggested that Democrats would block the six-month spending bill hatched by House Republicans and rejected by all but one House Democrat. The next day, he backed down, delivering a floor speech laying out why he would support the measure.
This is no way to lead a party.
“It’s not really a decision. It’s a Hobson’s choice,” Schumer said on the floor. “Either proceed with the bill before us or risk Donald Trump throwing America into the chaos of a shutdown. This in my view is no choice at all. While the [House bill] is very bad, the potential for a shutdown has consequences for America that are much, much worse.”
The House bill passed 217-213 and includes a hike in defense spending by $6 billion and a cut in non-defense spending by $13 billion.
Schumer’s move infuriated many Democrats, particularly House Democrats who stood in lockstep opposition to the measure that they said would only embolden President Donald Trump as he radically reshapes the government.
“This turns the federal government into a slush fund for Donald Trump and Elon Musk. It sacrifices Congressional authority and it is deeply partisan,” said New York Congresswoman Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez on CNN in an interview with Jake Tapper. “It is almost unthinkable why Senate Democrats would vote to hand the few pieces of leverage we have away for free when we’ve been sent here to protect social security, protect Medicaid and protect Medicare.”
The “slush fund” framing points to a unique feature of these temporary extension measures - they give the White House wide latitude on how the money is allocated. This comes as President Trump and Elon Musk, his top donor, have already usurped the role of Congress, gutted several agencies and fired thousands of federal workers. The measure also neuters Congress’ ability to end Trump’s tariff spree, which threatens to raise consumer prices for ordinary Americans.
“No Democratic Senator has to follow Schumer here. This is a weak strategic move driven by fear and learned helplessness. Don’t follow him. He’s leading the party into irrelevance and helping Trump and Musk in the process,” wrote Ezra Levin, Co-Executive Director of Indivisible, on Bluesky. “Call your Dem Senators and ask them not to join Schumer’s surrender tomorrow.”
Progressive groups have been galvanizing angry voters, who have flooded town halls to express their discontent with the current course. And Vermont Senator Bernie Sanders has been packing arenas in Republican districts as part of his “Fighting Oligarchy” tour.
Republicans, who have a 53-seat majority, will need at least 8 Democrats to pass the measure - Senator Rand Paul of Kentucky has said he plans to vote no. Pennsylvania Senator John Fetterman, who has emerged as a bit of wildcard in his party, has said he will vote yes. Schumer’s move signals that other Democrats will likely join him and keep the government open.
But Democrats got nothing in this fight, picking the “better poison,” yet hardly advancing their messaging and rebranding agenda.
That’s a missed opportunity at a time Democrats have a huge amount of work to do. According to an Emerson College poll, 39% of voters have a favorable view of the Republican party, with 49% holding an unfavorable view. The Democratic Party fares much worse, with 29% of voters viewing the party in a less favorable light, with 56% holding an unfavorable view of the party.
These numbers aren’t surprising and will likely get worse as Democratic leaders struggle with messaging and strategy. The midterms offer little hope; not only are they months away, but once again the Senate map looks daunting for Democrats, particularly as incumbents retire. Democrats could win the House, but by 2026 but much of Trump’s agenda will be firmly in place and hard to undo.
Yes, there are some bright spots in the Democratic party. In Leesburg, Virginia, House Democrats, plotting a way forward, heard from Kentucky Governor Andy Beshear, Pennsylvania Governor Josh Shapiro and Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer, Democrats who lead states won by Trump and who have higher ambitions. There was also buzz about Ocasio-Cortez, the party’s best messenger, mounting a primary challenge against Schumer, who is serving his fifth term.
But it is hard not to notice that right now, the old guard, used to the old ways, continues to stand in the way.
This column does not necessarily reflect the opinion of the editorial board or Bloomberg LP and its owners. Nia-Malika Henderson is a politics and policy columnist for Bloomberg Opinion. A former senior political reporter for CNN and the Washington Post, she has covered politics and campaigns for almost two decades.