Even-year election bill's uneven impact

The New York State Legislature last month approved a potentially jarring shake-up of when and how county and town officials are elected on Long Island and across the state. The measure, which would move these local elections from odd-numbered to even-numbered years starting in 2026, is due to be sent to Gov. Kathy Hochul for her signature or veto.

If Hochul signs it, candidates will run for town board, town supervisor, county executive, county comptroller and county legislature on a schedule that conforms to state and national calendars. For some candidates on the ballot this year, that would mean a one-time abbreviated term so the system can adjust.

In their partisan interest, Democrats — who hold the governorship and both house majorities in Albany — paved its quick passage just before summer adjournment without the public hearings and vetting such a sweeping and complicated change deserves.

The bill's backers defend it as a boon to voter turnout. While nobody interested in democracy opposes more participation, this bill cannot be viewed as a nonpartisan good-government reform.

Higher-turnout elections attract the greatest number of Democratic voters in our blue state. So the party's leaders believe the legislation would give their candidates a new edge in suburban races they've been losing lately to the GOP.

DRIVING UP TURNOUT

It is widely known that presidential and gubernatorial elections, held in different even years, draw higher turnout than off-year local races. But there's ample reason to wonder how this law helps the ordinary voter. Many will show up at the polls, choose candidates in the most-hyped top races, have their eyes glaze over at names they never heard lower on the ballot, and then go home. This down-ballot falloff already occurs to some degree. Not to mention, many a home mailbox could collapse under the added weight of campaign flyers.

The bipartisan New York State Association of Counties opposes the bill. “In local elections forced to be with state and national elections, it's going to suck up the media time — it's going to take the air out of the room," said Michael Zurlo, the association’s president, adding: "How is a town board member or a county legislator or supervisor going to have the opportunity in the platform to discuss real issues — issues that affect the day-to-day concerns of their communities?”

That concern has been echoed on Long Island not only by Republicans but by a variety of Democrats who focus on grassroots issues.

Consider the Town of Brookhaven, Suffolk’s largest, with more than 482,000 residents. This November, the town will elect a supervisor, six town council members chosen by district, a town clerk, a receiver of taxes, and a highway superintendent. Also on the ballot: contenders for Suffolk County executive, county legislators, and as usual, several judgeships.

Now let’s look to 2026 if the bill becomes law. Brookhaven would have all those 2023 contests on the ballot again. But they'll be jammed into the same ballot as higher-profile contests, which eclipse local races in the public eye. 

That includes races for governor — and state attorney general, state comptroller, members of the House of Representatives, members of the State Senate and Assembly, and a regular dose of open judicial seats. The mix pushes House contests, in particular, far from the first position, threatening an unknown and undesirable drop-off there.

LONG-BALLOT LOGISTICS

One question left glaringly vague by lawmakers is the logistics of how election boards will cope with these extra-long ballots. That raises the issue of cost. A sponsor’s memo filed with the bill cites “anticipated savings to local governments from the consolidation of various elections.”

But for constitutional reasons, there are elected positions to which the change will not apply. Sheriffs, county clerks, district attorneys, family court judges, county court judges, surrogate judges, and any offices with a three-year term prior to Jan. 1, 2025 will not have their election years switched.

What's more, the bill does not cover municipal races in New York City — the engine of the majority party. At least for now, the city will keep its mayoral, comptroller, public advocate, City Council and borough president races in odd years. Nor does the bill address when time-consuming state constitutional amendments or referendums might be slotted for a vote.

Perhaps a cumbersome, perforated two-sheet ballot will have to be fed into counting mechanisms, threatening interruptions on Election Day. In the Town of Hempstead, with more than 790,000 residents, officials are anticipating a need to replace voting devices. In the city of Glen Cove, 17 offices are expected on this year's ballot, likely growing to 35 in 2026.

Last year, after loud objections, the legislation was put off, purportedly to allow time for more consultation with local officials, and possibly more public hearings. That didn't happen. Last month, the bill popped out on the next-to-last day of session with a rushed floor debate.

Although the top rung of her party has agitated for this bill for years, Hochul should side with the counties and towns, veto the change, and reconsider it for the future once valid concerns are addressed. Governors are chosen by the electorate as a whole — not just the organization that represents its biggest faction.